On Amnesty

I have been trying to stick as well as I can to the agenda of my Spring Break, which has been to work on my thesis without reserve. But the events in Harare and all this media has been tugging at me to say something, particularly, on Trevor Ncube's Commentary in the Mail and Guardian today. ( http://www.mg.co.za/articleList.aspx?area=/insight/insight__comment_and_analysis/) I greatly respect Trevor ncube and all he has done in defence of the freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, but I differ with him on the idea of an amnesty for Robert Mugabe. I wrote this off the cuff, and my blood was very hot at that point!

Although I agree on most points with Mr Ncube -whom I greatly respect, must I add, I am incensed at the idea of considering an Amnesty for Robert Mugabe so as to coax him from office. Mr Ncube places this under the notion of "political maturity" on the part of Zimbabweans. I do not see how a carrot such as Amnesty is a sign of political maturity on the part of Zimbabwens. I think rather, that in as much as it may be perceived as a stick, Mr Mugabe must at least be clear with the Zimbabwean people on what he may be seeking Amnesty for, should it come to that.

Twice has the concept of "blanket amnesty" been applied in Zimbabwean politics. Firstly, with the end of the war of liberation, it was slightly veiled as both "reconciliation," (with former Rhodesians and their loyalists) and amnesty "for all deeds committed on all sides involved." Secondly, in 1987 with the Unity Accord that saw the end of what Zimbabweans generally whisper today as Gukurahundi, a time when attrocities were committed against the Ndebele people in Matebeleland and parts of the Midlands Province.

In both cases, it proved an unsuccesful venture, and that blanket has come back to haunt us as Zimbabweans.

On the first, Robert Mugabe openly repealed reconciliation years later and sent marauding squads to occupy White owned farms, which were mostly commercial. The result has been obscene hunger, food imports and a generally messy economy.

On the second amnesty, Matebeleland openly remains agitated today -albeit quietly- and the whole country remains with no clear idea how to solve this debacle. The outspokenness of Archibishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo and Jonathan Moyo MP (ever the chameleon), although calling for resistance nationally, are clear, innocuous symbols of present day Ndebele agitation, anger and resistance along with the overwhelming MDC support in Matebeleland. Matebeleland remains understandably bitter, because there has been no address of the wound from that dark period between 1981-1987. Between 20 000 to 30 000 Ndebele people were massacred by The crack North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade Unit, led by Perence Shiri, who reported directly to The Prime Minister's Office. The Ndebele people to this day, live with memories of a crime the generality of Zimbabweans are uneasy to openly confront, and, it can be argued, feel politically guilty and complacent about.

It is my impression that political maturity on the part of Zimbabweans, would include, among other things, the courage to face up to the crimes committed during Mugabe's tenure in office. To dress the cowardness of our past as "political maturity" will only result in a similar quagmire in the future.

A politcally mature Zimbabwe will need to know the truth behind Robert Mugabe's tenure in Office. Apart from Gukurahundi, there needs to be clarity as to the true machination of the political violence that occured before the Presidential elections of 2002, as well as on the farms during invasion. The Zimbabwean people deserve to know the truth behind the murders of Cain Nkala and Gift Tandare among several other activists from both sides of the party line. Blanket Amnesty for Robert Mugabe, will once again hide a ghost for the nation's future haunting.

As Zimbabweans today, we are wont to believe our present times are the darkest our before a dawn. It is our duty to ensure that this dawn, unlike previous ones, is not a false start. We must agitate for a New Constitution that observes basic human rights, as Mr Ncube argues. It must be an openly debated and freely consulted Constitution. The nation too, must perhaps be open to an 18-month transitional government engaged by technocrats, civic groups and politicians across the party line. The main tasks of this government aught to be the delivery of a new constitution, steps to stabilize the economy and to prepare the nation for regionally and internationally-observed elections.

It has become clear, much too clear with recent events in Harare, that Robert Mugabe's only viable option is to leave office. How he does it, is another matter. After all, he remains a crafty old man. What is certain however, is that his former aparatus for consolidating and directing his power has fast evaporated. Senior echelons in the ruling party he has held a finger-click's sway and influence over, politely want him out. The MDC, much weaker and in all its flayed pieces, has succeeded in a painfully slow revival and placed pressure on Mugabe's tenure and agitated for his departure. And the Army, for so long in his pocket, still remains very powerful albeit depleted. But it is an open secret in Zimbabwean political corridors that the Army on any day, quietly belongs to Retired General Solomon Mujuru, along with the likes of Air Marshal Perence Shiri, Retired General Zvinavashe and incumbent Defence Chief, General Chiwenga. Arguably, the most powerful of these, Solomon Mujuru, wants Mugabe out, preferably quietly like most in ZANU PF.

There should be no carrots in Robert Mugabe's departure. For one, there remains no sustainable incentive for the Zimbabwean people in such a deal. The most politically mature move Zimbabweans can assert, is making certain the stick of justice is to be served. Not only will this ensure an adherence to the rule of law and a respect of human rights by future leaders in a future Zimbabwe, but will it also keep Africa on its uphill, rocky and narrow, but nonetheless, road to justice.